The September 4 Constitutional referendum in Chile was a clear lesson that handed an overwhelming defeat to the proposals of the radical left.
The option was simple: Approve or Reject a 388-article projected constitution drafted at a constitutional convention completely dominated by extreme leftists utterly ignorant of constitutional law.
Antecedents
The text of the proposed constitution reflected the most radical application of what Professor Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira described as the Fourth Revolution in his essay, Revolution and Counter-Revolution. The referéndum followed the Fourth Revolution’s program of proposing a mixture of eliminating the State while simultaneously seizing complete control of the economy through autonomous and decentralized micro-organizations.
Those unfamiliar with the draft constitution will find it difficult to appraise this profoundly “re-foundational” revolution which proposes “starting from scratch.”
The vast majority of the drafters belonged to the extreme left that first gathered together during the so-called “social revolt” or “Chile’s awakening” protest movement that began on October 18, 2019.
The radical left was emboldened by its majority at the Constitutional Convention and the election of its presidential candidate Gabriel Boric. Those who drafted the document believed the way was open to “advance without compromising.” They could impose a new and extremely egalitarian constitution that would put Chile on the path toward eliminating any remnant of Christian and organic society over the next few decades.
However, public opinion became aware of the Convention’s partisan nature throughout the year-long drafting process. People noticed that members were entirely unprepared for the job. They made increasingly preposterous demands and were embroiled in embarrassing personal situations and scandals.
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Amid this incompetence, the extremist members of the Constitutional Convention also introduced radical left-wing provisions. Thus, the country’s majority gradually moved away from the left. However, the left continued its ideological “binge” while not realizing the deep chasm it was digging between itself and the real nation.
The left’s program included:
- Abortion on demand without allowing for doctors’ conscientious objection while enshrining the rights of animals and the environment;
- Establishing domestic multi-nationalities and protection of indigenous “cosmo-visions;” and control of natural resources by “native peoples;”
- Ending the guarantees to the right of private property; limiting the freedom of parents to educate their children; establishing sexual and “gender” rights; limiting the right to practice the true religion; limiting the right to open private schools, and eliminating the Judiciary Branch and the Senate;
- Nationalizing water rights; limiting mining and agricultural exploitation; ending the state of emergency to defend against terrorism; reforming the Carabineros [national law-enforcement police]; pardoning all those convicted for the October 2019 riots, and a great many other measures.
Throughout its 388 articles, the draft constitution literally reduced to rubble the entire political, social and economic frameworks built over two centuries of independence.
Nothing would be left standing in its re-foundational drive. Resembling a new version of Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge, the radicals found it necessary to re-educate Chilean society with a self-managing socialist formula that would entirely destroy every inequality and even the tiniest remnants of authority.
Plebiscite
Once the Constitutional Convention was over, the government of Gabriel Boric, despite its obligation to remain neutral, engaged all State resources to make sure the text would be approved. For two months, the entire state apparatus supported the YES vote. The leftist government endorsed the draft constitution with tours, speeches, the massive distribution of copies of the projected constitution and ministerial pronouncements.
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However, the die was already cast. National opinion overwhelmingly opposed the proposal and made it known on September 4 in a surprisingly categorical way.
Neither the socialist government’s most pessimistic expectations nor the most optimistic of those rejecting the text expected the NO vote to obtain 62% of the electorate in a historically high turnout that totaled eight million voters.
Following the result, the long faces of the YES representatives and agitators at the epicenter of the social protest demonstrations at Plaza Italia clearly showed their confusion.
The outcome wreaked great havoc upon the left. Some conclusions were particularly painful.
For example, the NO vote scored higher percentages in the country’s ten poorest districts than in the ten wealthiest districts. Support for the NO in the nation’s ten poorest communities attained 77%. In the ten communities with the least poverty, the NO still won with 67.89%.
Since the left was promoting domestic plurinationality among the indigenous tribes, the referendum results were particularly painful because of the high support rate for the NO in communities with higher percentages of people of Mapuche descent.
Araucania (the area where most of the population identifies as Mapuche) was Chile’s second region, with the highest percentage of votes for the NO at 73.69%. The YES obtained only 26.31% of the vote in the same area.
A Definitive Result?
Nothing is final in the political life of nations. Different currents and options permanently influence their members’ whims and tendencies. However, despite the frailty of human decisions, it will not be easy to reverse this result.
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The historically high participation in the referendum, the significant difference in votes between the two options, the government’s commitment to the YES, the proposal’s radical nature and the expectations of international socialism all constitute a set of circumstances that we do not hesitate to consider historical.
The left will need time and a lot of cunning to reverse this result because the electorate is awake and vigilant. The future will tell if it can numb public opinión, counting on the inevitable collaboration of “fellow travelers” and “useful innocents.” It might also seek support from the so-called “center-right” and leftist ecclesiastical circles, which are ever less “innocent” and more “useful.”
In his essay, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, Prof. Corrêa de Oliveira warned about the role of “the Revolution’s two speeds”:
It might be said that the more rapid movements are useless, but that is not the case. The explosion of these extremisms raises a standard and creates a fixed target whose very radicalism fascinates the moderates, who slowly advance toward it. Thus, socialism shuns communism, which it silently admires and tends toward.
Thus, it will not be surprising that “slow-march” revolutionaries emerge on the national scene, proposing a new constitutional text, which will be less radical in its immediate demands but lead to the same self-managing formula in the long term.
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Those watching over the interests of Christian civilization in Chile must denounce the new sirens calling for a “moderately” socialist consensus.
Under the Virgin of Mount Carmel’s Protection
Those of us who have been following step by step this revolutionary process subverting our country since October 2019 have observed the following components: The mentality “of the ruler of the kingdom of the air, the spirit who is now at work in those who are disobedient” (Eph. 2:2.), all those who promote this process under cover of darkness and its visible executors.
Any opposition to this revolutionary process must draw its primary support from she, who alone exterminates all heresies. “Rejoice, O Virgin Mary, thou alone hast destroyed all heresies in the whole world!” says the Little Office of Our Lady.
Before the referendum, we entrusted ourselves to her, asking for help. We now thank her for intervening, and entrust this nation’s Christian future to our Patroness’s maternal protection under the invocation of Our Lady of Mount Carmel.
Juan Antonio Montes Varas
Director Credo Chile
Photo Credit: © Jeff Smith – stock.adobe.com